, . " " .
" ", (can, could, may, might, should):
Modernization, in short, does not necessarily mean Westernization. Non- Western societies can modernize and have modernized without abandoning their own cultures and adopting wholesale Western values, institutions, and practices. The latter, indeed, may be almost impossible: whatever obstacles non-Western cultures pose to modernization pale before those they pose to Westernization [219, 78].
, , may, , , a may .
The problem of the end of history can be put in the following way: are there any "contradictions" in our contemporary liberal democratic social order that would lead us to expect that the historical process will continue and produce a new, higher order? [217, 136]
While we are busy celebrating the supposed end of ideology, history, and the Cold War, we may find ourselves facing the end of democracy as we have known it - mass democracy. The advanced economy, based on computers, information, knowledge, and deep communication, calls into question all the traditional defenses of democracy, challenging us to redefine them in 21-st century terms [222, 249].
- ( ), .. . [118]. - , , , , , , , , , [113, 125]. , . May might , might , , , may.
While some present-day countries might fail to achieve stable liberal democracy, and others might lapse back into other, more primitive forms of rule like theocracy or military dictatorship, the ideal of liberal democracy could not be improved on [217, xi].
might Perfect Infinitive . might have done , .
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While Hegel might not have been the first philosopher to write about history, he was the first historicist philosopher - that is, a philosopher who believed in the essential historical relativity of truth [217, 62].
, : could, might, may, must. must " ", "".
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We must regain our power, and as soon as we do, we will naturally take back everything we lost [218, 272].
:
(certainly, perhaps, likely, possibly, probably):
We should be careful to distinguish transitional conditions from permanent ones. In parts of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, we will probably see Marxist-Leninists replaced by variety of dictators, nationalists, and colonels; even communists may stage comebacks in certain areas. But the authoritarianism they represent will remain localized and unsystematic [217, 37].
It is not possible to imagine two men less likely to communicate than Hitler and Molotov [218,358].
(seem, suggest, hold):
Thus, while Western observers were perfectly ready to credit the Polish people with a desire to overturn communism if given the chance, the same was not held to be true of the Russians [217,25].
As Machiavelli's tone throughout the above discussion suggests, he is pessimistic about the prospects of changing human nature, of transforming our natural selfishness into a willing and virtuoso concern for the common good [223,37].
"rather than ":
Over the long run of the Cold War, it was the power-balanced United States, rather than the one-legged Soviet Union, that won the endurance race [222, 421].
By increasing the power of rural groups democracy also tends to promote policies aimed at rural and agrarian rather than urban and industrial development [220, 445].
(many, much, several, a few, a little, minority, majority):
American leaders allege that the Muslims involved in the quasi war are a small minority whose use of violence is rejected by the great majority of moderate Muslims. This may be true, but evidence to support it is leaking [219,217].
In a complex political system, many governmental organizations and procedures represent many different aspects of the public interest. The public interest of a complex society is a complex matter [220, 25]. (about, less than, nearly, almost):
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In 1994, for instance, CNN International estimated that it had an audience of 55 million potential viewers, or about 1 percent of the world's population (strikingly equivalent in number to and undoubtedly largely identical with the Davos Culture people), and its president predicated that its English broadcasts might appeal to 2 to 4 percent of the market [219, 59].
, -, " " , .
"could do", "might do" "if he did"; "could have been + v(PP)", "might even have +v(PP)" "if he had+v(PP)".
Already by the time of World War I, conventional technology had made war so costly that entire societies could be undermined by participation in war, even if they were on the winning side [217, 262].
In the eighteenth century there might have been no revolution, if only the old upper and ruling classes had made more sagacious concessions, if, indeed, the contrary tendencies toward a positive assertion of aristocratic values had not been so strong [220, 362].
" , , . , - , " [118, 342]. " - , , , - " [118, 351].
If television and instant global communications had existed in the 1930s, they would have been used to great effect by Nazi propagandists like
Leni Riefenstahl and Joseph Goebbels to promote fascist rather than democratic ideas [217, 7].
.
Men like Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin were not individuals who personally strove to be merely the equals of other people: had this been the case, Lenin would never have left Samara and Stalin might well have remained a seminary student in Tbilisi [217,304].
"Many economic activities would be paralyzed," Weiner observes of India, "were it not for the flexibility which bakshish contributes to the complex, rigid, administrative system" [220, 69].
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If European leaders had continued the practices of the prewar international order, a compromise peace would have been made in the spring of 1915 [218,219].
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If the regime does not develop a political structure which institutionalizes some principle of legitimacy, the result can only be a military oligarchy in which power is passed among the oligarchs by means of coups d'etat, and which also stands in danger of revolutionary overthrow by new social forces which it does not possess the institutional mechanisms for assimilating [220, 242].
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