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In fault line wars, each side has incentives not only to emphasize it own civilizational identity but also that of the other side [217, 270].

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In city after city - Moscow, Rio de Janeiro, Bangkok, Shanghai, London, Rome, Warsaw, Tokyo, Johannesburg, Delhi, Karachi, Cairo, Bogota, Washington - crime seems to be soaring and basic elements of Civilization fading away [219, 321].

" + () + (not) + to" (Complex Object)

An understanding of the importance of the desire for recognition as the motor of history allows us to reinterpret many phenomena that are otherwise seemingly familiar to us, such as culture, religion, work, nationalism, and war [217, xix].

" + () + to" (Complex Object)

This then was the ultimate goal of totalitarianism: not simply to deprive the new Soviet man of his freedom, but to make him fear freedom in favor of security, and to affirm the goodness of his chains even in the absence of coercion [217, 24].

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Economic liberalism provides the optimal route to prosperity to any people willing to take advantage of it [217, 234].

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Since the early 1980s, so rapid and continuous has the pace of change been in the communist world that at times we tend to take change for granted, and forget the magnitude of what has happened [217, 26].

Communist totalitarianism was supposed to be a formula for halting the natural and organic processes of social evolution and replacing them with

a series of forced revolutions from above: the destruction of old social classes, rapid industrialization, and the collectivization of agriculture. This type of large-scale engineering was supposed to have set communist societies apart from non-totalitarian ones, because social change originated in the state rather than in society [217, 38].

, . " " , . , , , , , , . Americans want political leaders to have a moral center, but I do not think that Americans expect the President to also be their national pastor [219, 45].

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Snowballing can also come about in other ways. In a globally linked economy, a foreign political or commercial interest can pump money and resources into a tiny group, which suddenly explodes in size and, in turn, attracts more resources [222, 246].

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The goal of the revolution is a new homogeneous community, and one means of producing that community is forcing dissident or unassimilable elements into exile [220, 310].

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The needlessness of Germany's decision to go to war in both instances has been illustrated by the fact that, despite two major defeats and after being deprived of about a third of its pre-World War I territory [218, 349].

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The revolutionary new economy will transform not only business and government. It will do this by altering the basic relationship between politicians and bureaucrats, and by dramatically restructuring the bureaucracy itself. It is already causing power to shift among the various bureaucracies [222, 251].

France and Great Britain had managed to checkmate each other: France, by insisting on weakening Germany by unilateral action and thereby forfeiting British support; Great Britain, by insisting on conciliation without considering its impact on the balance of power, thereby forfeiting French security [220, 397].

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Such being the state of affairs would be absolutely impermissible tactics to stake the fate of the Socialist revolution which has begun in Russia merely on the chance that the German revolution may begin in the immediate future [218,259].

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"The Cabinet in London," he wrote in a note, "appears to derive, from the fact of our having on several occasions spontaneously and amicably communicated to them our views with respect to Central Asia, and particularly our firm resolve not to pursue a policy of conquest or annexation, a conviction that we have contracted definite engagements toward them in regard to this matter" [218, 152].

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By their advocating Sinhalese as the sole official language, the SLFP appealed both to the lower middle class and "small intellectuals" who resented the upper class its facility in English and to the Sinhalese majority which resented the extent to which the Tamil-speaking minority (about 20 per cent of the population) had preempted positions in the government [220, 451].

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Today an American presidential candidate must piece together a coalition composed not of four or six major blocs, but of hundreds of groupings, each with its own agenda, each changing constantly, many surviving only a matter of months or weeks [222, 245].

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Having achieved political independence, non-Western societies wish to free themselves from Western economic, military, and cultural domination [219, 184].

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