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Главная О нас Популярное ТОП Новые страницы Случайная страница Контакты FAQ ЗАКАЗАТЬ РАБОТУ Productive Types of Compound Nouns 5 страница ⇐ Предыдущая15161718192021222324Следующая ⇒ 1) Words that have been shortened at the end—the so-called apocope, e.g. ad (from advertisement), lab (from laboratory), mike (from microphone), etc. 2) Words that have been shortened at the beginning—the so-called aphaeresis, e.g. car (from motor-car), phone (from telephone), copter (from helicopter), etc. 3) Words in which some syllables or sounds have been omitted from the middle—the so-called syncope, e.g. maths (from mathematics), pants (from pantaloons), specs (from spectacles), etc. 4) Words that have been clipped both at the beginning and at the end, e.g. flu (from influenza), tec (from detective), fridge (from refrigerator), etc. It must be stressed that acronyms and clipping are the main ways of word-creation most active in present-day English. The peculiarity of both types of words is that they are structurally simple, semantically non-motivated and give rise to new root-morphemes. § 10. Borrowing Borrowing as a means of replenishing the vocabulary of present-day English is of much lesser importance and is active mainly in the field of scientific -terminology. It should be noted that many terms are often made up of borrowed morphemes, mostly morphemes from classical languages.2 1) The present-day English vocabulary, especially its terminological layers, is constantly enriched by words made up of morphemes of Latin 1 See 'Introduction', § 5, p. 10; 'Various Aspects...', § 12, p. 196. 2 See 'Etymological Survey', § 5, p. 164. 191 and Greek origin such as words with the morphemes -tron used chiefly in the field of electronics, e.g. mesotron, cyclotron, etc.; tele-, e.g. telecast, telelecture, telediagnosis, -in, e.g. protein, penicillin; -scope, e.g. iconoscope, oscilloscope; meta-, e.g. meta-culture, metaprogram; para- meaning ‘related to, near’, e.g. paralinguistic, parabiospheric; video-, e.g. videodisk, videophone, etc. But though these words consist of borrowed morphemes they cannot be regarded as true borrowings because these words did not exist either in the Greek or in the Latin word-stock. All of them are actually formed according to patterns of English word-formation, and many function in Modern English as new affixes and semi-affixes.1 Words with some of them can be found in the vocabulary of various languages and reflect as a rule the general progress in science and technology. It is noteworthy that a number of new affixes appeared in Modern English through different types of borrowing. This can be exemplified by the Russian suffix -nik which came within the words sputnik, lunnik and acquired the meaning of ‘one who is connected with something’, but which under the influence of beatnik 2 acquired a derogatory flavour and is now a slang suffix. It is used to denote ‘person who rejects standard social values and becomes a devotee of some fact or idea’, e.g. FOLK-NIK, protestnik, filmnik, etc. The prefix mini- is now currently used with two meanings: a) ‘of very small size’, e.g. minicomputer, minicar, mini war, ministate, and b) ‘very short’, as in minidress, minicoat, miniskirt, etc.; the prefix maxi- was borrowed on the analogy of mini- also in two meanings: a)'very large’, e.g. maxi-order, maxi-taxi, and b) ‘long, reaching down to the ankle’, e.g. maxicoat, maxi-dress, maxilength. The suffix -naut is found in, e.g., astronaut, aquanaut, lunarnaut, etc. Numerous borrowed root-morphemes remain bound in the vocabulary of Modern English but acquire a considerable derivative force and function as components of a specific group of compounds productive mainly in specialised spheres, e.g. acoust(o) — acousto-optic, acousto-electronics; ge(o)-, e.g. geowarfare, geoscientist, multi- e.g. multi-cultural, multi- directional, multispectral, etc.; cosm(o)-, e.g. cosmodrome, cosmonautics, cosmonaut, etc. 2) There are true borrowings from different languages as well. They, as a rule, reflect the way of life, the peculiarities of development of the speech communities from which they come. From the Russian language there came words like kolkhoz, Gosplan, Komsomol, udarnik, sputnik, jak, etc. The words borrowed from the German language at the time of war reflect the aggressive nature of German fascism, e.g. Blitzkrieg 3, Wehr macht4, Luftwaffe 5. 1 See C. Barnhart. A Dictionary of New English, 1963 — 1972. Longman, 1973. p, 316; see also Э. М. Медникова, Т. Ю. Каравкина, op. cit. 2 See ‘Word-Structure’, § 3, p. 92. 3 ‘aggressive war conducted with lightning-like speed and force' 4 ‘Germany’s armed forces' 5 ‘the air force of the Third Reich' 192 As most of these words remain unassimilated in present-day English, they are all the time felt as foreign words and tend to drop out from the language. 3) Loan-translations also reflect the peculiarities of the way of life of the countries they come from, and they easily become stable units of the vocabulary, e.g. fellow-traveller, self-criticism, Socialist democracy, Worker’s Faculty, etc. which all come from the Russian language. Semantic Extension

Semantic extension of words already available in the language is a powerful

source of qualitative growth and development of the vocabulary though it does not necessarily add to its numerical growth; it is only the split of polysemy that results in the appearance of new vocabulary units thus increasing the number of words.¹ In this connection it should be remembered that the border-line between a new meaning of the word and its lexical homonym is in many cases so vague that it is often difficult to state with any degree of certainty whether we have another meaning of the original word or its homonym — a new self-contained word,² e.g. in the verb to sit-in — ‘to join a group in playing cards’ and a newly recorded use of to sit-in — ‘to remain unserved in the available seats in a cafe in protest against Jimcrowism’, or ‘to demonstrate by occupying a building and staying there until their grievances are considered or until the demonstrators themselves are ejected' — the meanings are so widely apart that they are definitely felt as homonyms. The same may be said about the word heel (sl.) — ‘a traitor, double-crosser’ and heel — ‘the back part of a human foot’. On the other hand, the meaning of the verb freeze — ‘to immobilise (foreign-owned credits) by legislative measures’ and its further penetration into a more general sphere seen in to freeze wages and the correlated compound wage-freeze is definitely felt as a mere development of the semantic structure of the verb (to) freeze. The semantic connection is felt between the meanings of such words as hot: 1) (mus.) ‘ having an elaborate and stimulating jazz rhythm’ 2) (financ.) ‘ just isued’ and 3) (sl.) ‘ dangerous because connected with some crime’ as in the phrase hot money; to screen — ‘to classify by means of standardised test, to select methodically’ (cf. the original meaning of the verb (to) screen — ‘to separate coal into different sizes’, ‘to pass through a sieve or screen’). All these meanings may serve as further examples of qualitative growth of Modern English vocabulary.

A great number of new meanings develop in simple words which belong to different spheres of human activity. New meanings appear mostly in everyday general vocabulary, for example a beehive — ‘a woman’s hair style’; lungs (n pl.) — ‘breathing spaces, such as small parks that might be placed in overpopulated or traffic-congested areas’; a bird — ‘any flying craft’; a vegetable — ‘a lifeless, inert person’; clean (sl.) — free from the use of narcotic drugs’; to uncap (sl.) — ‘to disclose, to re-

¹ The above cited counts show that new meanings of the words already existing in the language and new homonyms account for 1/4 of the total number of new items.

² See ‘Semasiology’, § 4, p. 47; ‘Various Aspects...’, § 12, p. 195 — 196.

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veal’. There is a strong tendency in words of specialised and terminological type to develop non-specialised, non-terminological meanings as, for example, the technical term feedback that developed a non-terminological meaning ‘a reciprocal effect of one person or thing upon another’, parameter that developed a new meaning ‘any defining or characteristic factor’, scenario — ‘any projected course or plan of action’. It is of interest to note that many new meanings in the sphere of general vocabulary are stylistically and emotively non-neutral and marked as colloquial and slang, for example juice (US sl.) — ‘position, power, influence; favourable standing’; bread (sl.) — ‘money’; straight (sl.) — ‘not deviating from the norm in politics, habits; conventional, orthodox’, etc.

On the other hand scientific and technical terminological meanings appear as a result of specialisation as in, e.g., read (genetic) — ‘to decode’; messenger — ‘a chemical substance which carries or transmits genetic information’.

New terminological meanings also appear as a result of expansion of the sphere of application, i.e. when terms of one branch of science develop new meanings and pass over to other branches, e.g. a general scientific term system (n) in cybernetics developed the meaning ‘anything consisting of at least two interrelated parts’; logic acquired in electronics the meaning ‘the logical operations performed by a computer by means of electronic circuitry’; perturbance in astronomy — ‘disturbances in the motions of planets’, etc.

It should be noted that new meanings appear not only as a result of semantic development of words but also as a result of semantic development of affixes. Thus, the adjectival prefix a- in such adjectives as awhir = whirring; aswivel = swivelling; aclutter = cluttered; aglaze = glazed developed a new meaning similar to the meanings of the participles but giving a more vivid effect of the process than the corresponding non-prefixal participles in -ing and -ed.

The prefix anti- developed two new meanings: 1) ‘belongng to the hypothetical world consisting of the counterpart of ordinary matter’, e.g. anti-matter, anti-world, anti-nucleus, etc.; 2) ‘that which rejects or reverses the traditional characteristics’, e.g. anti-novel, anti-hero, anti-electron, etc.; the prefix non- developed a new meaning ’sham, pretended, pseudo’, e.g. non-book, non-actor, non-policy, etc.¹

It follows from the foregoing discussion that the principal ways of enriching the vocabulary of present-day English with new words are various ways of productive word-formation and word-creation. The most active ways of word creation are clippings and acronyms. The semantic development of words already available in the language is the main source of the qualitative growth of the vocabulary but does not essentially change the vocabulary quantitatively.

¹ See С Barnhart, op. cit. 194

NUMBER OF VOCABULARY UNITS IN MODERN ENGLISH

Linguists call the total word-stock of a language its lexicon or vocabulary. There is a notion that a so-called unabridged dictionary records the unabridged lexicon, that is all the words of the language. But the lexicon of English is open-ended. It is not even theoretically possible to record it all as a closed system. The exact number of vocabulary units in Modern English cannot be stated with any degree of certainty for a number of reasons, the most obvious of them being the constant growth of Modern English word-stock especially technical terms of the sciences which have come to influence our modern society. As one of the American lexicographers aptly puts it we could fill a dictionary the size of the largest unabridged with names of compounds of carbon alone.¹ There are many points of interest closely connected with the problem of the number of vocabulary units in English, but we shall confine ourselves to setting down in outline a few of the major issues:

1) divergent views concerning the nature of vocabulary units and

2) intrinsic heterogeneity of modern English vocabulary.

Counting up vocabulary units we usually proceed from the assumption that the English lexicon comprises not only words but also phraseological units. The term “phraseological unit” however allows of different interpretation.² If the term is to be taken as including all types of set expressions, then various lexical items ranging from two-word groups the meaning of which is directly inferred from the meaning of its components, e.g. to win a victory, to lose one’s balance, etc. to proverbs and sayings, e.g. It Is the early bird that catches the worm, That is where the shoe pinches, etc. have to be counted as separate lexical units on a par with individual words. Thus in the case of to win a victory we must record three vocabulary units: the verb to win, the noun victory and the phraseological unit to win a victory. If however we hold that it is only the set expressions functioning as word-equivalents are to be treated as phraseological units, to win a victory is viewed as a variable, (free) word-group and consequently must not be counted as a separate lexical item. The results of vocabulary counts will evidently be different.

Another debatable point closely connected with the problem of the number of vocabulary units in English is one of the least investigated problems of lexicology — the border-line between homonymy and polysemy when approached synchronically and divergent views concerning lexico-grammatical homonymy.³ If identical sound-forms, e.g. work (n) and work (v) are considered to be different grammatical and semantic variants of the same word, they are accordingly treated as one word. This conception naturally tends to diminish the total number of

¹ See Horman A. Estrin and Donald V. Mehus, The American Language in the 1970s, USA, 1974. See also C. Barnhart, op. cit.

² See ‘Word-Groups and Phraseological Units’, § 11, p. 74.

³ See ‘Semasiology’, §§ 37-39, pp. 43 — 47.

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vocabulary units in English. In some cases of lexical homonymy the boundary line between various meanings of one polysemantic word and the meanings of two homonymous words is not sufficiently sharp and clear and allows of different approaches to the problem.¹ Thus, e.g., words like fly — ‘a two-winged insect’ and fly — ‘a flap of cloth covering the buttons on a garment’ may be synchronically treated as two different words or as different meanings of the same word.²

Next comes the problem of word and word variants. If, for example, we consider the clippings doc, prof, etc. as variants of the words doctor, professor, etc., we must count prof and professor, doc and doctor as two words having each two variants. If, however, we regard them as different words having each of them its sound-form and ’semantic structure, we shall count them as four separate words.

There is one more point of interest in connection with the problem of the number of words that should be mentioned here. Paradoxical as it may seem a great number of lexical items actually used by English-speaking people cannot practically be counted. These words are usually referred to as “occasional”, “potential” or “nonce-words". The terms imply that vocabulary units of this type are created for a given occasion only and may be considered as but “potentially” existing in English vocabulary. They may be used by any member of the speech community whenever the need to express a certain concept arises. These are derived and compound words which are formed on highly productive and active word-building patterns.³ Some of these word-formation patterns and affixes are so active and productive as “to make even a representative sampling beyond our resources".⁴ In fact the suffix -er, e.g., may be added to almost any verbal stem to form a noun denoting the agent of the action. If we count up all the words that may be formed in this way, the number of vocabulary units will be considerably magnified.

It is clear from the above that the divergent views concerning the nature of basic vocabulary units cannot but affect the estimate of the size of English vocabulary in terms of exact figures.

Modern English vocabulary is not homogeneous, and contains a number of lexical units which may be considered “non-English” and “not modern". It follows that in estimating the size of vocabulary very much depends on our understanding of the terms modern and English. Let us begin with the analysis of the term English vocabulary units. If we compare words of the type Luftwaffe, regime, garage, sputnik, we shall see that the borderline between ‘non-assimilated’ borrowings which make up part of English vocabulary and foreign or alien words is not always sharp and distinct.⁵

¹ See ‘Semasiology’, §§ 32-34, pp. 39 — 42.

² Compare the different approaches to this word in the Concise Oxford Dictionary, 1957 and the Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English, 1956.

³ For illustrative examples see ‘Various Aspects...’, § 8, p. 184 — 187.

⁴ See C. Barnhart, op. cit., Explanatory Notes, p. 15.

⁵ See ‘Etymological Survey...’, §§ 1, 6, 11, pp. 160, 165, 171.

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For example, it was already pointed out that the Second World War and fascist aggression gave currency to a number of new lexical items such as Luftwaffe, Blitzkrieg and others. Words of that type are distinguished from other neologisms by their peculiar graphic and sound-form. They are felt as “alien” elements in the English word-stock and are used more or less in the same way as words of a foreign language may be used by English speakers.

This also applies to barbarisms. As a rule barbarisms, e.g. mutatis mutandis (L.), faux pas (Fr.) and others, are included even in the comparatively concise dictionaries alongside with English words ^l although it is rather doubtful whether they are really part of the English vocabulary.

The criterion which serves to describe lexical units as belonging to Modern English vocabulary is also rather vague. The point is that profound modifications in the vocabulary of a language are occasioned not only by the appearance and creation of new lexical items but also by the disappearance of certain lexical units.² Some words seem gradually to lose their vitality, become obsolete and may eventually drop out of the language altogether. This was the case with the OE. niman — ‘ take’; ambith — ’servant’ and a number of others. The process being slow and gradual, the border-line between “dead” and “living” words in the English word-stock is not always clearly defined. Such words, e.g., as welkin, iclept are scarcely ever used in present-day English but may be found in poetical works of outstanding English poets of the nineteenth century. Can we consider them as non-existing in the Mоdern English vocabulary? The answer to the question as to the number of lexical units in modern English word-stock will naturally vary depending on the answer given to this particular question.

According to the recent estimates the OED contained 414,825 lexical units out of which 52,464 are obsolete words, 9,733 alien words, 67,105 obsolete and variant forms of main words.³

Taking into account the growth of the vocabulary in the last forty years an estimate of 30,000 words in the actual working vocabulary of educated persons today may be considered reasonable though it comprises a number of non-assimilated, archaic and occasional words. It should be pointed out, however, that a considerable number of words are scarcely ever used and the meaning of quite a number of them is unknown to an average educated English layman, e.g. abalone, abattoir, abele and the like.⁴ It follows that there is a considerable difference between the number of lexical items in Modern English vocabulary and the number of lexical items in actual use. Bу the phrase “in actual use” we do not imply words and phrases used by any single individual but

¹ See, e. g., The Concise Oxford Dictionary, 1957.

² See ‘Various Aspects...’, § 6, p. 180.

³ Clarence L. Barnhart. Methods and Standards for Collecting Citations for English Descriptive Dictionaries, 1975.

⁴ See The Shorter Oxford Dictionary, 1957,

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the vocabulary actually used and understood by the bulk of English-speaking people as a whole at a given historical period. It also follows that not all vocabulary items are of equal practical importance. In this connection it should be recalled that there is a considerable difference between the vocabulary units a person uses and those he understands. According to the data available, the “passive” vocabulary of a “normally educated person” comprises about 30,000 words. At best about 20,000 are actually used in speech. Of these not all the words are equally important.

The relative “value” of lexical items is dependent on how frequently this or that particular unit occurs in speech and on the range of application of these units. 4,000 — 5,000 of most frequently occurring words are presumed to be amply sufficient for the daily needs of an average member of the given speech community. It is obvious that these 4,000 — 5,000 comprise ordinary words which are as a rule polysemantic and characterised by neutral stylistic reference.¹ Specialised vocabulary units (special words and terminology) are naturally excluded.

It should not be inferred from the above that frequency alone is an adequate criterion to establish the most useful list of words. There are, especially in science, words that appear very rarely even in a large corpus, but are central to the “concepts of a whole science.

As is well known terminology in various fields of scientific inquiry comprises many peculiar vocabulary units the bulk of which is made up of Latin or Greek morphemes. Terms possess a number of common features in all European languages. Terms are as a rule used by comparatively small groups of professionals and certainly not by the language community as a whole. Most of them are to a certain extent “international”, i.e. understandable to specialists irrespective of their nationality. Compare for example Russ. зуб — зубы, English tooth — teeth and the corresponding phonetic terms Russ. дентальный, Eng. dental. Compare also Eng. radio — Russ. радио, Eng. electronics — Russ. электроника, etc. Special words and terms make up the bulk of neologisms and the question naturally arises whether terms belong to common English vocabulary items. Nevertheless they are of great importance for those who are working in this or that branch of science or technology.

Summary and Conclusions

1. The comparative value and place of the word in the vocabulary system is conditioned by the interdependence of the structural, semantic, stylistic and etymological aspects of the words which is brought out most vividly in the frequency value attached to each word.

2. On the basis of the interrelation of lexical and grammatical types of meaning words fall into two classes: notional words and form words — a numerically small class of words with the highest frequency value.

¹ Some figures found in Pierre Guiraud’s book Les caractères statistiques du vocabulaire (Presses Universitaires de France, 1954) may be of interest to language learners. The counts conducted by the author show that out of 20,000 words the first 100 most frequently occurring words make up 60% of any text; 1,000 — 85%; 4,000 — 97,5%, all the rest (about 15,000) - 2,5%.

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3. Words of high frequency value are mostly characterised by polysemy, structural simplicity, neutral stylistic reference and emotive charge. They generally belong either to the native words or to the early borrowings which are already fully or almost fully assimilated.

4. Frequency also reflects the interdependence and comparative importance of individual meanings within the word. The basic meaning of the word is at the same time the meaning with the highest frequency value.

5. The development of vocabulary is largely due to the rapid flow of events, the progress of science and technology and emergence of new concepts in different fields of human activity.

6. Distinction should be made between the qualitative growth of the vocabulary as a result of semantic extension of the already available words and the numerical replenishing of vocabulary as a result of appearance of new vocabulary units.

7. There are three principal ways of the numerical growth of vocabulary: a) productive word-formation, b) various non-patterned ways of word creation, c) borrowings.

8. Productive word-formation is the most powerful source of the numerical growth of present-day English vocabulary.

There are various ways of non-patterned word creation. The two main types are lexicalisation and shortening.

9. The two main types of shortening are: a) transformations of word- groups into words which involve substantivisation, acronyms and blend- ings and b) clippings which consist in a change of the word-structure.

10. Borrowing as a source of vocabulary extension takes the shape of borrowing of morphemes, borrowing of actual words and loan-translations. Especially active nowadays is the formation of new words out of borrowed morphemes.

11. The exact number of vocabulary units in Modern English cannot be stated with any degree of certainty for a number of reasons:

a) Constant growth of Modern English word-stock.

b) Intrinsic heterogeneity of Modern English vocabulary.

c) Divergent views concerning the nature of basic vocabulary units connected with some crucial debatable problems of lexicology: homonymy, polysemy, phraseology, nonce-words.

d) The absence of a sharp and distinct border-line between English and foreign words and between modern and outdated English vocabulary units.

12. There is a considerable difference between the number of vocabulary units in Modern English word-stock and the number of vocabulary items in actual use.

The selection and number of vocabulary items for teaching purposes depends on the aims set before language learners.

VIII. Variants and Dialects of the English Language

To this point we have been dealing with the vocabulary of the English language as if there were only one variety of this language. We shall now turn to the details in which the language of some English speakers differs from that of others, we shall see what varieties of the language in question there are and how they are interconnected.

Every language allows different kinds of variations: geographical or territorial, perhaps the most obvious, stylistic, the difference between the written and the spoken form of the standard national language and others. We shall be concerned here with the territorial variations, the others being the domain of stylistics.

For historical and economic reasons the English language has spread over vast territories. It is the national language of England proper, the USA, Australia, New Zealand and some provinces of Canada. It is the official language in Wales, Scotland, in Gibraltar and on the island of Malta. The English language was also at different times enforced as an official language on the peoples who fell under British rule or US domination in Asia, Africa and Central and South America. The population of these countries still spoke their mother tongue or had command of both languages. After World War II as a result of the national liberation movement throughout Asia and Africa many former colonies have gained independence and in some of them English as the state language has been or is being replaced by the national language of the people inhabiting these countries (by Hindi in India, Urdu in Pakistan, Burmanese in Burma, etc.). though by tradition it retains there the position of an important means of communication.

The role of the English language in these countries is often overrated, apart from other reasons, through not differentiating between the function of the language as a mother tongue and its function as a means of communication between the colonisers and the native population.

THE MAIN VARIANTS OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

It is natural that the English language is not used with uniformity in the British Isles and in Australia, in the USA and in New Zealand, in Canada and in India, etc. The English language also has some peculiarities in Wales, Scotland, in other parts of the British Isles and America. Is the nature of these varieties the same?

Modern linguistics distinguishes territorial variants of a national language and local dialects. Variants of a language are regional varieties of a standard literary language characterised by some minor peculiarities in the sound system, vocabulary and grammar and by

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their own literary norms. Dialects are varieties of a language used as a means of oral communication in small localities, they are set off (more or less sharply) from other varieties by some distinctive features of pronunciation, grammar and vocabulary.

Close inspection of the varieties mentioned above reveals that they are essentially different in character. It is not difficult to establish that the varieties spoken in small areas are local dialects. The status of the other varieties is more difficult to establish.

It is over half a century already that the nature of the two main variants of the English language, British and American (Br and AE) has been discussed. Some American linguists, H. L. Mencken for one, speak of two separate languages with a steady flood of linguistic influence first (up to about 1914) from Britain to America, and since then from America to the British Isles. They even proclaim that the American influence on British English is so powerful that there will come a time when the American standard will be established in Britain.¹ Other linguists regard the language of the USA as a dialect of English.

Still more questionable is the position of Australian English (AuE) and Canadian English (CnE).

The differences between the English language as spoken in Britain, the USA, Australia and Canada are immediately noticeable in the field of phonetics. However these distinctions are confined to the articulatory-acoustic characteristics of some phonemes, to some differences in the use of others and to the differences in the rhythm and intonation of speech. The few phonemes characteristic of American pronunciation and alien to British literary norms can as a rule be observed in British dialects.

The variations in vocabulary, to be considered below, are not very numerous. Most of them are divergences in the semantic structure of words and in their usage.

The dissimilarities in grammar like AE gotten, proven for BE got, proved are scarce. For the most part these dissimilarities consist in the preference of this or that grammatical category or form to some others. For example, the preference of Past Indefinite to Present Prefect, the formation of the Future Tense with will as the only auxiliary verb for all persons, and some others. Recent investigations have also shown that the Present Continuous form in the meaning of Future is used twice as frequently in BE as in the American, Canadian and Australian variants; infinitive constructions are used more rarely in AE than in BE and AuE and passive constructions are, on the contrary, more frequent in America than in Britain and in Australia.

Since BE, AE and AuE have essentially the same grammar system, phonetic system and vocabulary, they cannot be regarded as different languages. Nor can they be referred to local dialects; because they serve all spheres of verbal communication in society, within their territorial area they have dialectal differences of their own; besides they differ far less than local dialects (e.g. far less than the dialects of Dewsbury and

¹ It is noteworthy that quite a few prominent American linguists do not share this opinion (e. g. A. S. Baugh, W. N. Francis and others).

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Howden, two English towns in Yorkshire some forty miles apart). Another consideration is that AE has its own literary norm and AuE is developing one. Thus we must speak of three variants of the English national language having different accepted literary standards, one spoken in the British Isles, another spoken in the USA, the third in Australia. As to CnE, its peculiarities began to attract linguistic attention only some 20 years ago. The fragmentary nature of the observation available makes it impossible to determine its status.

Speaking about the lexical distinctions between the territorial variants of the English language it is necessary to point out that from the point of view of their modern currency in different parts of the English-speaking world all lexical units may be divided into general English, those common to all the variants and locally-marked, those specific to present-day usage in one of the variants and not found in the others (i.e. Briticisms, Americanisms, Australianisms, Canadianisms,¹ etc.).

When speaking about the territorial differences of the English language philologists and lexicographers usually note the fact that different variants of English use different words for the same objects. Thus in describing the lexical differences between the British and American variants they provide long lists of word pairs like

BE                                                 AE

flat       -                                  apartment

underground                                 subway

lorry                                             truck

pavement                                      sidewalk

post                                              mail

tin-opener                                     can-opener

government                                  administration

leader                                           editorial

teaching staff                               faculty

From such lists one may infer that the words in the left column are the equivalents of those given in the right column and used on the other side of the Atlantic. But the matter is not as simple as that.

These pairs present quite different cases.

It is only in some rare cases like tin-opener — can-opener or fishmonger — fish-dealer that the members of such pairs are semantically equivalent.

In pairs like government — administration, leader — editorial only one lexical semantic variant of one of the members is locally-marked. Thus

¹ The terms Americanisms, Australianisms, and the like met with in literature and dictionaries are also often used to denote lexical units that originated in the USA, Australia, etc. These are homonymous terms, therefore in dealing with linguistic literature the reader must be constantly alert to keep them separate. As synchronically the origin of the lexical units is irrelevant to the understanding of the relations between different varieties of the present-day English, we shall adhere to the use of the terms as stated above.

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in the first pair the lexical semantic variant of administration — ‘the executive officials of a government’ is an Americanism, in the second pair the word leader in the meaning of ‘leading article in a newspaper’ is a Briticism.

In some cases a notion may have two synonymous designations used on both sides of the Atlantic ocean, but one of them is more frequent in Britain, the other — in the USA. Thus in the pairs post — mail, timetable — shedule, notice — bulletin the first word is more frequent in Britain, the second — in America. So the difference “here lies only in word-frequency.

Most locally-marked lexical units belong to partial Briticisms, Americanisms, etc., that is they are typical of this or that variant only in one or some of their meanings. Within the semantic structure of such words one may often find meanings belonging to general English, Americanisms and Briticisms, e.g., in the word pavement, the meaning ’street or road covered with stone, asphalt, concrete, etc’ is an Americanism, the meaning ‘paved path for pedestrians at the side of the road’ is a Briticism (the corresponding American expression is sidewalk), the other two meanings ‘the covering of the floor made of flat blocks of wood, stone, etc’ and ’soil’ (geol.) are general English. Very often the meanings that belong to general English are common and neutral, central, direct, while the Americanisms are colloquial, marginal and figurative, e.g. shoulder — general English — ‘the joint connecting the arm or forelimb with the body’, Americanism — ‘either edge of a road or highway’.

There are also some full Briticisms, Americanisms, etc., i.e. lexical units specific to the British, American, etc. variant in all their meanings. For example, the words fortnight, pillar-box are full Briticisms, campus, mailboy are full Americanisms, outback, backblocks are full Australianisms.

These may be subdivided into lexical units denoting some realia that have no counterparts elsewhere (such as the Americanism junior high school) and those denoting phenomena observable in other English-speaking countries but expressed there in a different way (e.g. campus is defined in British dictionaries as ‘grounds of a school or college’).

The number of lexical units denoting some “realia having no counterparts in the other English-speaking countries is considerable in each variant. To these we may refer, for example, lexical units pertaining to such spheres of life as flora and fauna (e.g. AuE kangaroo, kaola, dingo, gum-tree), names of schools of learning (e.g. junior high school and senior high school in AE or composite high school in CnE), names of things of everyday life, often connected with peculiar national conditions, traditions and customs (e.g. AuE boomerang, AE drug-store, CnE float-house). But it is not the lexical units of this kind that can be considered distinguishing features of this or that variant. As the lexical units are the only means of expressing the notions in question in the English language some of them have become common property of the entire English-speaking community (as, e.g., drug-store, lightning rod, super-market, baby-sitter that extended from AE, or the hockey terms that originated

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in Canada (body-check, red-line, puck-carrier, etc.); others have even become international (as the former Americanisms motel, lynch, abolitionist, radio, cybernetics, telephone, anesthesia, or the former Australianisms dingo, kangaroo and cockatoo).

The numerous locally-marked slangisms, professionalisms and dialectisms cannot be considered distinguishing features either, since they do not belong to the literary language.

Less obvious, yet not less important, are the regional differences of another kind, the so-called derivational variants of words, having the same root and identical in lexical meaning though differing in derivational affixes (e.g. BE acclimate — AE acclimatize, BE aluminium — AE aluminum).

Sometimes the derivational variation embraces several words of the same word-cluster. Compare, for example, the derivatives of race (division of mankind) in British and American English:

BE racial/racialist a, racialist n, racialism n

AE racist a, racist n, racialism/racism n

When speaking about the territorial lexical divergences it is not sufficient to bring into comparison separate words, it is necessary to compare lexico-semantic groups of words or synonymic sets, to study the relations within these groups and sets, because on the one hand a different number of members in a lexico-semantic group is connected with a different semantic structure of its members, on the other hand even insignificant modifications in the semantic structure of a word bring about tangible reshuffle in the structure of the lexico-semantic group to which the word belongs.

For example, the British and Australian variants have different sets of words denoting inland areas: only inland is common to both, besides BE has interior, remote, etc., AuE has bush, outback, backblocks, back of beyond, back of Bourke and many others.

Accordingly, the semantic structure of the word bush and its position in the two variants are altogether different: in BE it has one central meaning (’shrub’) and several derived ones, some of which are now obsolete, in AuE it has two semantic centres (‘wood’ and ‘inland areas’) that embrace five main and four derived meanings.

Lexical peculiarities in different parts of the English-speaking world are not only those in vocabulary, to be disposed of in an alphabetical list, they also concern the very fashion of using words. For instance, the grammatical valency of the verb to push is much narrower in AuE, than in BE and AE (e.g. in this variant it is not used in the patterns VV_en, NV_en, NV_ing, NprpV_ing. Some patterns of the verb are typical only of one variant (e.g. NV_en and NprpV_inf — of BE, NV and NV_ing — of AE). There are also some features of dissimilarity in the word’s lexical valency, e.g. a specifically British peculiarity observed in newspaper style is the ability of the verb to be used in combination with nouns denoting price or quality (to push up prices, rents, etc.).

As to word-formation in different variants, the word-building means employed are the same and most of them are equally productive. The difference lies only in the varying degree of productivity of some of them

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in this or that variant. As compared with the British variant, for example, in the American variant the affixes -ette, - ее, super-, as in kitchenette, draftee, super-market, are used more extensively; the same is true of conversion and blending (as in walk-out — ‘workers’ strike’ from (to) walk out; (to) major — ’specialise in a subject or field of study’ from the adjective major; motel from motor + hotel, etc.). In the Australian variant the suffixes -ie/-y and - ее, as well as abbreviations are more productive than in BE.

Thus, the lexical distinctions between different variants of English are intricate and varied, but they do not make a system. For the most part they are partial divergences in the semantic structure and usage of some words.

The lexical divergences between different variants of English have been brought about by several historical processes.

As is well known the English language was brought to the American continent at the beginning of the 17th century and to Australia at the end of the 18th century as a result of the expansion of British colonialism. It is inevitable that on each territory in the new conditions the subsequent development of the language should diverge somewhat from that of British English.

In the first place names for new animals, birds, fishes, plants, trees, etc. were formed of familiar English elements according to familiar English patterns. Such are mockingbird, bullfrog, catfish, peanut, sweet potato, popcorn that were coined in AE or dogger — ‘professional hunter of dingoes’, Bushman — ‘Australian soldier in Boer War’ formed in AuE.

New words were also borrowed to express new concepts from the languages with which English came into contact on the new territories. Thus in the American variant there appeared Indian hickory, moose, racoon, Spanish canyon, mustang, ranch, sombrero, etc.

At the same time quite a number of words lost in BE have survived on the other continents and conversely, certain features of earlier BE that have been retained in England were lost in the new varieties of the language, changed their meaning or acquired a new additional one.

For example, Chaucer used to guess in the meaning of to think, so do the present day Americans; the English however abandoned it centuries ago and when they happen to hear it today they are conscious that it is an Americanism. The same is true of the words to loan for to lend, fall for autumn, homely for ugly, crude, etc.

The word barn designated in Britain a building for storing grain (the word was a compound in Old English consisting of bere — ‘barley’ and æ rn — ‘house’); in AE it came also to mean a place for housing stock, particularly cattle. Similarly, corn was applied in America to an altogether different cereal (maize) and lost its former general meaning ‘grain’. The word station acquired the meaning of ‘a sheep or cattle ranch’, the word bush — the meaning of ‘wood’ and shrub (AuE scrub) — ‘ any vegetation but wood’ in AuE.

Modern times are characterised by considerable levelling of the

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lexical distinctions between the variants due to the growth of cultural and economic ties between nations and development of modern means of communication.

For example, a large number of Americanisms have gained currency in BE, some becoming so thoroughly naturalised that the dictionaries in England no longer mark them as aliens (e.g. reliable, lengthy, talented, belittle). Others have a limited sphere of application (e.g. fan — colloq. ‘ a person enthusiastic about a specific sport, pastime, or performer’, to iron out — ’smooth out, eliminate’). The influx of American films, comics and periodicals resulted in the infiltration of American slang, e.g. gimmick — ‘deceptive or secret device’, to root — ’support or encourage a contestant or team, as by applauding or cheering’, etc.

Certain uses of familiar words, which some 50 years ago were peculiar to the US, are now either completely naturalised in Britain or evidently on the way to naturalisation. Numerous examples will be found by noting the words and meanings indicated as American in dictionaries at the beginning of the century and in present days.

At the same time a number of Briticisms have passed into the” language of the USA, e.g. smog which is a blend of smoke and fog, to brief — ‘to give instructions’. This fact the advocates of the American language theory deliberately ignore. Sometimes the Briticisms adopted in America compete with the corresponding American expressions, the result being the differentiation in meaning or spheres of application, for example, unlike the American store, the word shop, taken over from across the ocean at the beginning of the 20th century is applied only to small specialised establishments (e.g. gift shop, hat shop, candy shop), or specialised departments of a department store (e.g. the misses’ shop). British luggage used alongside American baggage in America differs from its rival in collocability (luggage compartment, luggage rack, but baggage car, baggage check, baggage room). In the pair autumn — fall the difference in AE is of another nature: the former is bookish, while the latter colloquial.

LOCAL VARIETIES IN THE BRITISH ISLES

AND IN THE USA

In the British Isles there exist many speech varieties confined to particular areas. These local dialects traceable to Old English dialects may be classified into six distinct divisions: 1) Lowland (Scottish or Scotch, North of the river Tweed),¹ 2) Northern (between the rivers Tweed and Humber), 3) Western, 4) Midland and 5) Eastern (between the river Humber and the Thames), 6) Southern (South of the Thames). Their sphere of application is confined to the oral speech of the rural population in a locality and only the Scottish dialect can be said to have a literature of its own with Robert Burns as its greatest representative.

¹ The Scottish dialect of the English language is to be distinguished from the Scottish tongue, which is a Celtic language spoken in the Highlands.

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Offsprings of the English national literary language, the British local dialects are marked off from the former and from each other by some phonetic, grammatical and lexical peculiarities. In this book we are naturally concerned only with the latter.

Careful consideration of the national and the dialect vocabularies discloses that the most marked difference between them lies in the limited character of the dialect vocabularies. The literary language contains many words not to be found in dialects, among them technical and scientific terms.

Local lexical peculiarities, as yet the least studied, are most noticeable in specifically dialectal words pertaining to local customs, social life and natural conditions: laird — ‘landed proprietor in Scotland’, burgh — ‘Scottish chartered” town’, kirk — ‘church’, loch — ‘Scottish lake or landlocked arm of the sea’, etc. There are many names of objects and processes connected with farming, such as the names of agricultural processes, tools, domestic animals and the like, e.g. galloway — ‘horse of small strong breed from Galloway, Scotland’, kyloe — ‘one of small breed of long-horned Scotch cattle’, shelty — ‘Shetland pony’. There is also a considerable number of emotionally coloured dialectal words, e.g. Scot, bonny — ‘beautiful, healthy-looking’, braw — ‘fine, excellent’, daffy — ‘crazy, silly’, cuddy — ‘fool, ass’, loon — ‘clumsy, stupid person’.

In addition, words may have different meanings in the national language and in the local dialects, e.g. in the Scottish dialect the word to call is used in the meaning of ‘to drive’, to set — ‘to suit’, short — ‘rude’, silly — ‘weak’, etc.

Dialectal lexical differences also embrace word-building patterns. For instance, some Irish words contain the diminutive suffixes - an, -een, -can, as in bohaun — ‘cabin’ (from Irish both — ‘cabin’); bohereen — ‘narrow road’ (from Irish bothar — ‘road’); mearacaun — ‘thimble’ (from Irish mear — ‘finger’); etc. Some of these suffixes may even be added to English bases, as in girleen, dogeen, squireen (squirrel), etc. Some specifically dialectal derivatives are formed from standard English stems with the help of standard English affixes, e.g. Scot. flesher — ‘butcher’, suddenty — ’suddenness’.

A great number of words specifically dialectal appeared as a result of intense borrowing from other languages, others are words that have disappeared from the national literary language or become archaic, poetical, such as gang — ‘go’, OE заnзаn; bairn — ‘child’, OE bearn, etc. Thus, the lexical differences between the English national language and its dialects are due to the difference in the spheres of application, different tempoes of development, different contacts with other peoples, and deliberate elaboration of literary norms.

The local dialects in Britain are sharply declining in importance at the present time; they are being obliterated by the literary language. This process is twofold. On the one hand, lexical units of the literary language enter local dialects, ousting some of their words and expressions. On the other hand, dialectal words penetrate into the

20?

national literary language. Many frequent words of common use are dialectal in origin, such as girl, one, raid, glamour, etc. Some words from dialects are used as technical terms or professionalisms in the literary language, e.g. the Scotch cuddy — ‘ass’ is used in the meaning of jack-screw and lug — ‘ear’ in the meaning of handle.

Dialect peculiarities (phonetical, grammatical, but mainly lexical) modify in varying degrees the language spoken in different parts of Britain. These speech-forms are called regional variants of the national language and they are gradually replacing the old local dialects. It should be noted that the word dialect is used in two meanings nowadays: to denote the old dialects which are now dying away, and to denote the regional variants, i.e. a literary standard with some features from local dialects.

The most marked difference between dialects and regional variants in the field of phonetics lies in the fact that dialects possess phonemic distinctions, while regional variants are characterised by phonetic distinctions. In matters of vocabulary and grammar the difference is in the greater number and greater diversity of local peculiarities in the dialects as compared with the regional variants.

The English language in the United States is characterised by relative uniformity throughout the country. One can travel three thousand miles without encountering any but the slightest dialect differences. Nevertheless, regional variations in speech undoubtedly exist and they have been observed and recorded by a number of investigators.

The following three major belts of dialects have so far been identified, each with its own characteristic features: Northern, Midland and Southern, Midland being in turn divided into North Midland and South Midland.

The differences in pronunciation between American dialects are most apparent, but they seldom interfere with understanding. Distinctions in grammar are scarce. The differences in vocabulary are rather numerous, but they are easy to pick up. Cf., e.g., Eastern New England sour - milk cheese, Inland Northern Dutch cheese, New York City pot cheese for Standard American cottage cheese (творог).

The American linguist O. F. Emerson maintains that American English had not had time to break up into widely diverse dialects and he believes that in the course of time the American dialects might finally become nearly as distinct as the dialects in Britain. He is certainly greatly mistaken. In modern times „dialect divergence cannot increase. On the contrary, in the United States, as elsewhere, the national language is tending to wipe out the dialect distinctions and to become still more uniform.

Comparison of the dialect differences in the British Isles and in the USA reveals that not only are they less numerous and far less marked in the USA, but that the very nature of the local distinctions is different. What is usually known as American dialects is closer in nature to regional variants of the literary language. The problem of discriminating between literary and dialect speech patterns in the USA is much more

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complicated than in Britain. Many American linguists point out that American English differs from British English in having no one locality whose speech patterns have come to be recognised as the model for the rest of the country.

1. English is the national language of England proper, the USA, Australia and some provinces of Canada. It was also at different times imposed on the inhabitants of the former and present British colonies and protectorates as well as other Britain- and US-dominated territories, where the population has always stuck to its own mother tongue.

2. British English, American English and Australian English are variants of the same language, because they serve all spheres of verbal communication. Their structural peculiarities, especially morphology, syntax and word-formation, as well as their word-stock and phonetic system are essentially the same. American and Australian standards are slight modifications of the norms accepted in the British Isles. The status of Canadian English has not yet been established.

3. The main lexical differences between the variants are caused by the lack of equivalent lexical units in one of them, divergences in the semantic structures of polysemantic words and peculiarities of usage of some words on different territories.

4. The so-called local dialects in the British Isles and in the USA are used only by the rural population and only for the purposes of oral communication. In both variants local distinctions are more marked in pronunciation, less conspicuous in vocabulary and insignificant in grammar.

5. The British local dialects can be traced back to Old English dialects. Numerous and distinct, they are characterised by phonemic and structural peculiarities. The local dialects are being gradually replaced by regional variants of the literary language, i. e. by a literary standard with a proportion of local dialect features.

6. Local variations in the USA are relatively small. What is called by tradition American dialects is closer in nature to regio

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