The third conception of politics relates not so much to the arena within which politics is conducted as to the way in which decisions are made. Specifically, politics is seen as a particular means of resolving conflict, that is, by compromise, conciliation and negotiation, rather than through force and naked power. This is what is implied when politics is portrayed as 'the art of the possible'. Such a definition is inherent in the everyday use of the term. For instance, the description of a solution to a problem as a 'political' solution implies peaceful debate and arbitration, as opposed to what is often called a 'military 'solu-
tion'. Once again, this view of politics has been traced back to the writings of Aristotle and, in particular, to his belief that what he called 'polity' is the ideal system of government, as it is 'mixed' in the sense that it combines both aristocratic and democratic features. One of the leading modern exponents of this view is Bernard Crick. In his classic study In Defense of Politics, Crick offered the following definition:
Politics is the activity by which differing interests within a given unit of rule are conciliated by giving them a share in power in proportion to their importance to the welfare and the survival of the whole community.
In this view, the key to politics is therefore a wide dispersal of power. Accepting that conflict is inevitable, Crick argued that when social groups and interests possess power they must be conciliated; they cannot merely be crushed. This is why he portrayed politics as 'that solution to the problem of order which chooses conciliation rather than violence and coercion'. Such a view of politics reflects a deep commitment to liberal-rationalist principles. It is based on resolute faith in the efficacy of debate and discussion, as well as on the belief that society is characterized by consensus rather than by irreconcilable conflict. In other words, the disagreements that exist can be resolved without resort to intimidation and violence.
Critics, however, point out that Crick's conception of politics is heavily biased towards the form of politics that takes place in western pluralist democracies; in effect, he equated politics with electoral choice and party competition. As a result, his model has little to tell us about, say, one-party states or military regimes.
This view of politics has an unmistakably positive character. Politics is certainly no Utopian solution (compromise means that concessions are made by all sides, leaving no one perfectly satisfied), but it is undoubtedly preferable to the alternatives: bloodshed and brutality. In this sense,
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politics can be seen as a civilized and civilizing force. People should be encouraged to respect politics as an activity, and should be prepared to engage in the political life of their own community. Nevertheless, Crick saw politics as an embattled and often neglected activity. He saw its principal enemy as 'the desire for certainty at any cost', and he warned that this is demonstrated in many forms, including the seductive influence of political ideologies, blind faith in democracy, the impact of rabi d nationalism and the promise of science to disclose objective truth.
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II. ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS:
l)What does the third conception of politics imply?
2) Whose view of politics underlies the third conception?
3) Who was the leading modern exponent of this view?
4) What is the key to politics in this view?
5) What does such a view reflect?
6) What is it based on?
7) What do critics point out concerning Crick's concep
tion of politics?
8) What are the positive sides of his view of politics?
9) Where does Crick see the principal enemy of politics?
10) Do you agree with the third definition of politics?
III. AGREE OR DISAGREE WITH THE FOLLOWING:
1. Politics is a means of resolving conflicts.
2. All conflicts should be resolved on the basis of nego
tiation and consensus, never by compromise.
3. In Aristotle's view, the key to politics is a wide dis
persal of power.
4. Crick stated that conflict is inevitable when opposing
groups possessing power.
5. He was close to liberal-rationalist principles.
6. Politics can be seen as a civilized force.
7. People must have a choice whether to engage in the
political life of the society or not.
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Political science
IV. DIVIDE THE TEXT INTO LOGICAL PARTS AND
MAKE UP AN OUTLINE OF THE TEXT.
V. SUMMARIZE THE CONTENTS OF THE TEXT IN 6
SENTENCES.
VI. TRANSLATE THE FOLLOWING SENTENCES IN
WRITING:
l)The third conception of politics relates not so much to the arena within which politics is conducted as to the way in which decisions are made.
2) This is what is implied when politics is portrayed as 'the art of the possible'?
3)As a result, his model has little to tell us about, say, one-party states or military regimes.
4) Survival of the whole community very often depends
on the efficacy of politics.
5) In this sense, people should be encouraged to respect
politics as an activity.
VI. TRANSLATE B. CRICK'S DEFINITION OF POLITICS IN WRITING.
WORD STUDY
I. GIVE RUSSIAN EQUIVALENTS FOR:
To relate; conciliation; negotiation; to warn; faith; irreconcilable; intimidation; dispersal; seductive; rabid.
II. GIVE ENGLISH EQUIVALENTS FOR:
; ; ;
; ; ; , ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; .
III. ARRANGE THE FOLLOWING WORDS IN PAIRS
OF SYNONYMS:
Political science
Part
| Conciliation Negotiation Faith Dispersal To warn To intimidate To relate to Debate |
to refer to
to inform previously
distribution
belief
consensus
talks
discussion
to fill with fear
IV. ARRANGE THE FOLLOWING WORDS IN PAIRS
| subjective irreconcilable conflict disagreement military violence unmistakably |
OF ANTONYMS: Conciliation
Peaceful
Reconcilable
Consensus
Agreement
Mistakably
Objective
V. DISCUSSION
Express your point of view on the following statement Politics is the art of the possible.
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VI. LOOK THROUGH THE TEXT CONSENSUS AND
MAKE UP A SUMMARY.
Consensus
The term consensus means agreement, but it usually refers to an agreement of a particular kind. It implies, first, a broad agreement, the terms of which are accepted by a wide range of individuals or groups. Secondly, it implies an agreement about fundamental or underlying principles, as opposed to a precise or exact agreement. In other words, a consensus permits disagreement on matters of emphasis or detail. The term 'consensus politics' is used in two senses. A procedural consensus is a willingness to make decisions through consultation and bargaining, either between political parties or be-
tween government and major interests. A substantive consensus is an overlap of the ideological positions of two or more political parties, reflected in agreement about fundamental policy goals. Examples are the UK's postwar social-democratic consensus, and Germany's social-market consensus.
VII. DEVELOP THE FOLLOWING SITUATIONS
Situation 1 Your friend believes that politics is useless. Argue the opposite viewpoint.
Situation 2 Your friend wants to become a politician. Describe the qualities he must develop to become a good politician.
Situation 3 You are a famous politician. Let your
friends ask you about the advantages and disadvantages of democracy in Russia.
________________________ UNIT V________________
I. READ AND TRANSLATE THE TEXT. Politics as power.
The fourth definition of politics is both the broadest and the most radical. Rather than confining politics to a particular sphere (the government, the state or the 'public' realm) this view sees politics at work in all social activities and in every corner of human existence. As Adrian Leftwich proclaimed in What is Politics? The Activity and 1st Study (1984), 'politics is at the heart of all collective social activity, formal and informal, public and private, in all human groups, institutions and societies'. In this sense, politics takes place at every level of social interaction; it can be found within families and amongst small groups of friends just as much as amongst nations and on the global stage. However, what is it that is distinctive about political activity? What marks off politics from any other form of social behaviour?
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At its broadest, politics concerns the production, distribution and use of resources in the course of social existence. Politics is, in essence, power: the ability to achieve a desired outcome, through whatever means. This notion was neatly summed up in the title of Harold Lasswell's book Politics: Who Gets What, When, How? (1936). From this perspective, politics is about diversity and conflict, but the essential ingredient is the existence of scarcity: the simple fact that, while human needs and desires are infinite, the resources available to satisfy them are always limited. Politics can therefore be seen as a struggle over scarce resources, and power can be seen as the means through which this struggle is conducted.
Advocates of this view of power include feminists and Marxists. Modern feminists have shown particular interest in the idea of 'the political'. This arises from the fact that conventional definitions of politics effectively exclude women from political life. Women have traditionally been confined to a 'private' sphere of existence, centered on the family and domestic responsibilities. In contrast, men have always dominated conventional politics and other areas of 'public' life. Radical feminists have therefore attacked the 'public/private' divide, proclaiming instead that 'the personal is the political'. This slogan neatly encapsulates the radical-feminist belief that what goes on in domestic, family and personal life is intensely political, and indeed that it is the basis of all other political struggles. Clearly, a more radical notion of politics underlies this position. This view was summed up by Kate Millett in Sexual Politics, in which she defined politics as 'power-structured relationships, arrangements whereby one group of persons is controlled by another'. Feminists can therefore be said to be concerned with 'the politics of everyday life'. In their view, relationships within the family, between husbands and wives, and between parents and children, are every bit as political as relationships between employers and workers, or between governments and citizens.
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Political science
Marxists have used the term 'politics' in two senses. On one level, Marx used 'politics' in a conventional sense to refer to the apparatus of the state. In the Communist Manifesto (1848), he thus referred to political power as 'merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another'. For Marx, politics, together with law and culture, are part of a 'superstructure' that is distinct from the economic 'base' which is the real foundation of social life. However, he did not see the economic 'base' and the legal and political 'superstructure' as entirely separate. He believed that the 'superstructure' arose out of, and reflected, the economic 'base'. At a deeper level, political power, in this view, is therefore rooted in the class system; as Lenin put it, 'politics is the most concentrated form of economics'. As opposed to believing that politics can be confined to the state and a narrow public sphere, Marxists can be said to believe that 'the economic is political'. From this perspective, civil society, characterized as Marxists believe it to be by class struggle, is the very heart of politics.
Views such as these portray politics in largely negative terms. Politics is quite simply about oppression and subjugation. Radical feminists hold that society is patriarchal, in that women are systematically subordinated and subjected to male power. Marxists traditionally argued that politics in a capitalist society is characterized by the exploitation of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie. On the other hand, these negative implications are balanced against the fact that politics is also seen as the means through which injustice and domination can be challenged. Marx, for instance, predicted that class exploitation would be overthrown by a proletarian revolution, and radical feminists proclaim the need for gender relations to be reordered through a sexual revolution. However, it is clear that when politics is portrayed as power and domination it need not be seen as an inevitable feature of social existence. Feminists look to an end of 'sexual politics' achieved through the construction of a non-sexist society, in which people will be valued according to per-
_____ _________
sonal worth rather than on the basis of gender. Marxists believe that 'class politics' will end with the establishment of a classless communist society. This, in turn, will eventually lead to the 'withering away' of the state, bringing politics in the conventional sense also to an end.
II. ANSWER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS: l)Why is the fourth definition of politics the broadest
one?
2) But what is it that is distinctive about political activ
ity?
3) How does H. Lass see politics and power itself?
4) Who are the advocates of this view?
5) Why did feminists show particular interest in the
idea of 'the political'?
6) How did K. Millett formulate the feminists' idea of
politics?
7) What is Marxists' view on politics in a conventional
sense?
8) What is the real foundation of social life according to
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Marx?
9) What is politics for Marx?
10) How did V.I. Lenin define politics at a deeper level?
III. COMPLETE THE FOLLOWING SENTENCES:
1. According to Adrian Leftwich, politics is at the heart
of....
2. Politics takes place at every level of....
3. Politics concerns the production, distribution and....
4. Advocates of the view of politics as power include....
5. Women have been confined to the family and....
6. Men have always dominated....
7. Radical feminists proclaimed....
8. Kate Millett defined politics as....
9. Marx used politics in a conventional sense, that is....
10. Marxists believed that class politics will end with....
| Part II |
Political science
IV. DIVIDE THE TEXT INTO LOGICAL PARTS AND
MAKE UP AN OUTLINE OF THE TEXT.
V. CHARACTERIZE IN BRIEF:
1. Adrian Leftwich's view of politics.
2. The notion of politics of Harold Lasswell.
3. Feminists' viewpoint.
4. Marx's definition of politics.
5. Lenin's interpretation of politics.
VI. FIND IN THE TEXT COMPLEX INFINITIVE CON
STRUCTIONS AND TRANSLATE THE SENTENCES INTO
RUSSIAN.
VII. LOOK THROUGH THE TEXT AND FIND IN IT
SENTENCES WITH WORD-COMBINATIONS GIVEN BE
LOW. TRANSLATE THESE SENTENCES.
(both... and; rather than; as much as; in contrast; as opposed to; the very heart; in turn)
WORD STUDY
I. GIVE RUSSIAN EQUIVALENTS FOR:
To confine to; realm; distinctive; to mark off; outcome; distribution; scarcity; conventional; to underlie; whereby; merely; to arise out of; subjugation; implication; to challenge; to predict; to overthrow.
II. ARRANGE THE FOLLOWING WORDS INTO PAIRS
OF ANTONYMS:
formal injustice
public subordinate
finite original
conventional avoidable
include infinite
dominate exclude
justice private
inevitable informal
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III. INSERT WHATEVER, WHICHEVER, WHOEVER, WHENEVER, WHEREVER, HOWEVER AND TRANSLATE SENTENCES INTO RUSSIAN.
1)... you go people ask for news.
2)... anyone starts a conversation he has something to
say.
3)... fast he runs he will miss the train.
4) I go to the theatre...
5)... I see him he's wearing the same hat.
6) Play... records you like.
7) Take... of the records you like.
8) He will never do it... hard he tries.
9) Sit... you like.
10) I'll discuss it with you... you like.
11)... says it is wrong.
12) Do... you like.
13) Keep calm... happens.
14) You are certainly right,... others may say.
IV. FIND ENGLISH EQUIVALENTS FOR THE RUSSIAN PHRASES USING THE WORD TERMS. SEE THE PROMPTS BELOW.
; ; ; ; ; ; ; ;
(in glowing terms; in simple terms; in general terms; in terms of production; in terms of success and failure; in terms of money; flattering terms; in terms of economic reform)
V. DISCUSSION
Speak for or against feminists' view on politics and give your reasons.
| Part II |
Political science
The statements below will be helpful.
for
1. Conventional definitions of politics exclude women from political life.
2. Politics is seen as power and domination.
3. Men dominate politics and other areas of public life.
4. Women are oppressed by men.
Against
1. The personal is the political.
2. In their view conventional definition of politics is reduced to the politics of everyday life.
3. They do not see the real reasons of this conflict.
4. What goes on in personal life is political and is the basis of all other political struggles.
VI. MAKE UP A SUMMARY OF THE TEXT
VII. LOOK THROUGH THE TEXT AND EXPRESS
YOUR ATTITUDE TO THE FACES OF POWER.
The questions below will be helpful.
Faces of power
Power can be said to be exercised whenever A gets to
do something which would not otherwise have done.
However, A can influence in various ways. This allows
us to distinguish between different dimensions or 'faces'
of power:
♦ Power as decision-making: This face of power con
sists of conscious actions that in some way influence the
content of decisions. Such decisions can nevertheless be
influenced in a variety of ways
♦ Power as agenda setting: The second face of power,
as suggested by Bachrach and Baratz (1962), is the ability
to prevent decisions being made, that is, in effect, 'non-
decision-making'. This involves the ability to set or control
the political agenda, thereby preventing issues or proposals
from being aired in the first place.
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♦ Power as thought control: The third face of power is the ability to influence another by shaping what he or she thinks, wants, or needs (Lukes, 1974). This is power expressed as ideological indoctrination or psychological control. In political life, the exercise of this form of power is seen in the use of propaganda and, more generally, in the impact of ideology.
1. What face is preferable in political life?
2. Has the third face of power lost its importance?
3. What unites all these faces of power?
_____________________ UNIT VI__________________
I. READ AND TRANSLATE THE TEXT
Approaches to the study of politics
Disagreement about the nature of political activity is matched by controversy about the nature of politics as an academic discipline. One of the most ancient spheres of intellectual enquiry, politics was originally seen as an arm of philosophy, history or law. Its central purpose was to uncover the principles upon which human society should be based. From the late nineteenth century onwards, however, this philosophical emphasis was gradually displaced by an attempt to turn politics into a scientific discipline. The high point of this development was reached in the 1950s and 1960s with an open rejection of the earlier tradition as meaningless metaphysics.
