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THE AMERICAN VECTOR OF BRAZIL S FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE PRESIDENCY OF DILMA ROUSSEFF
Key words: Brazilian-American relations, economic upturn, regional leader, foreign policy of Dilma Rousseff, mutually beneficial partnership, competition.
In the era of radical transformations new, more modern and competitive leaders are taking the place of conventional ones. Once being insignificant and even backward, developing countries are gradually occupying an important niche in the international division of labor. Former outsiders are gaining speed and prove that they have not yet demonstrated their potential in full force. We are observing the formation of a multipolar system accompanied with the upturn of the actors, which have not previously belonged to the circle of the global influence centers. Among them, we can see Brazil pretending to play a new role in the global political and economic processes. The trade, financial dynamics and international hyperactivity of the South American giant as well as its growing dominance not only in Latin America but in the world in general witness this fact.
The relevance of this topic is in the fact that we can trace the development of the relations between the USA, as a recognized leader in the international relations system, and Brazil, as an actor of a regional level, claiming to gain membership in the structures of the world political and economic order under present conditions in the age of globalization.
Today the Brazilian republic takes a special place on the international stage. According to its natural and human resources, level and rates of economic, scientific and technological development, comprehensive participation in the regional and global affairs it appears to be one of the leading states of the new world order, which continues to develop in the XXI century.
But this situation has manifested itself quite recently, becoming possible as a result of deep internal transformations and changes, which occurred in the last two decades. These comprehensive political and structural changes, providing the upturn and modernization of the country, became a basis of its active participation in the building of the modern architecture of international economic and financial relations. Brazil, which was recently called the sleeping giant, has woken up both in the geopolitical and geo-economic sense, competing with the generally recognized developed states, such as the United States of America.
Moreover, the chosen topic should be of interest for Ukraine as the Brazilian republic can be not only our political ally but a potentially profitable trade partner. Its experience of democracy development, strengthening of its own economic potential and improvement of living standards is invaluable for the Ukrainian government, which is unable to overcome the effects of the comprehensive systemic crisis yet. Furthermore, examining the current state of Brazil, we can reveal the areas, which are the most prospective for cooperation, and predict their future development.
Therefore, the investigated problem is of a really great relevance at the moment, considering the difficult way that the Federative Republic of Brazil has had to pass in order to achieve the current level.
The research object of our masters thesis is the relations between the United States, as a political entity, which has the status of a global actor, and Brazil, as a political entity, which claims to achieve this status.
The subject of this research work is the American vector of Brazils foreign policy during the presidency of Dilma Rousseff.
The aim of the research is a comprehensive analysis of the sources, directions, structure and content of the Brazilian-American bilateral links.
For achieving the above set goals we are to investigate the following specific research objectives:
to trace the process of the relations establishment and development between the USA and Brazil in the XIX XXI centuries;
to identify the impact of the Federative Republic of Brazils internal features on its foreign political position on the world stage;
to point out and analyze the key areas of the American-Brazilian cooperation during the presidency of Dilma Rousseff;
to disclose the expectations of each party from the bilateral cooperation;
to determine the role and place of the American vector in Dilma Rousseffs foreign policy;
to forecast possible prospects of the further cooperation of the United States and Brazil.
The chronological frames of this study include the period from 2011 to 2014, scilicet the period of Dilma Rousseffs presidency. This choice is due to the necessity to explore the current state of relations between the countries, which is connected with the claims of Brazil to join the circle of developed states.
At the same time, we need to point out more substantively some issues, namely: to analyze the origin and formation of the problem, as well as to forecast some consequences and prospects of such partnership, which forced the author to sometimes go beyond the defined chronological frames.
The geographical boundaries of the research cover the current territory of the Federative Republic of Brazil and the United States of America, as their bilateral relations are what our immediate attention is drawn to
As for the novelty of the work, it lies in the complex research of the problem; therefore the attention is paid not only to the object directly but to the circumstances of its formation. Indeed, we know that all the spheres of life are closely interconnected and even minor changes in one of them will certainly lead to changes in other areas. That is why a systematic study of this issue is very important for us. In addition, we pointed out the development of the relations between Brazil and the USA, which had progressed from constrained domination to equal competition, and found the specifics of cooperation between the state, which carries a recognized status of world leader, and the state, which only claims to receive it.
The theoretical significance of the research consists in the fact that on the basis of a large amount of the material analyzed and conclusions made it is possible to further elaborate and improve the theoretical principles concerning the Brazilian-American relations in the political, military, economic, trade and cultural fields, the features of their development and place on the regional and global arenas.
The applied significance of the research is that the conclusions made during the study may be useful both for public and private organizations of our country involved in development of a foreign economic concept or doing business abroad, as understanding the specificity of relations in the Western Hemisphere will help to form an adequate assessment of Ukrainian trade prospects in this region.
Conclusions. One of the key features of the process of the new world order formation is transformation of relations between the most developed actors conventional leaders, playing central roles on the international scene in the process of making key decisions, and those aspiring to achieve the status of superpowers through use of the following means: rapid economic growth, regional political, trade and financial influence, active participation in discussions on the international level, etc.
The logic of the relations development between the countries of Western Europe and the USA, on the one hand, and the worlds fast growing economies, on the other hand, allows to say that this is the type of cooperation that determines the structure of the world order being formed, and the vector of the relations development of these political entities will affect, by and large, the fact whether it will be partially modified or completely rebuilt.
The 2008 financial crisis added relevance and principal importance to this process, which stimulated a broad discussion not only about the future development of the United States as the pole responsible for many areas of global politics and economics, and of the conventional leaders of the western world but also about the prospects of fast-developing Asian and Latin America states. The statements, which emphasized that this was the US that caused the crisis occurrence, were repeatedly heard in diplomatic discourse of many countries. This trend allowed experts and analysts, not to mention the political elite of many developing states, to talk about the USAs having lost its influence and hence about the displacement of the steady balance of power and authority. However, a gradual recovery from the crisis and Barack Obamas numerous statements about revitalization not only of the country but also of the global economy indicate some hastiness of such conclusions. Of course, the recovery process is very difficult and laborious, but we have to admit that nowadays the United States have significant resources to overcome the crisis consequences and return their influence on the international scene. But the questions of how stable the economic upturn is and how resistant the financial structures of fast growing economies of the world are, are essentially open-ended.
The American-Brazilian relations, in this context, are of significant interest both for applied and theoretical studies. These countries have a very long and complicated history of bilateral relations. During the XIX-XX centuries Brazil was completely subordinated to the USA, which dictated not only domestic, trade and economic strategies but also a foreign policy course to it. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, an increasing dominance of the United States began to appear, but at the same time, some peripheral players, including the Brazilian republic, received a chance to take a substantial niche on the international scene.
Previous forced orientation to the States began to gradually change to categorical rejection of Washington diplomatic pressure and a desire to increase its own geostrategic potential. Thus, Brazil decided to pursue a more independent policy: continuing to remain the undeniable regional leader, the country started to diversify its international links as much as possible. Preservation and protection of the state in its current borders, its strengthening and development, prevention of conflicts on the continent and support of friendly but restrained relations with the USA became the basic principles of the Brazilian foreign policy.
In the second half of the 2000s there was a pressing necessity to review the strategies of relations of the United States with the Latin America countries, which started to leave their sphere of influence. The relations along the USA-Brazil line are one of the key elements of the process of forming a new type of cooperation in the hemisphere, affecting the configuration of the power and authority balance on the world stage.
The Brazilian republic, having an internally stable political system and sufficient supplies of economic resources, is one of the central entities of Latin America. In addition, it is getting increasingly involved in the international relations and aiming to raise its authority at the global level. So, its transformation into one of modern developed states of the hemisphere affects greatly the transformation of its cooperation with the States, which for several decades has been trying to develop such relations with Brazil, which would lead to the strengthening of influence and maintenance of the positions in the region but not to the emergence of an opponent represented by the South American giant.
Thus, the Brazilian-American relations had undergone a significant development from complete subordination to the policy of equal partnership, which was particularly visible under the presidency of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. Not only did Brazil turn into an independent geopolitical unit but also into a regional leader claiming to take a decent place on the international stage. So, this very economic prosperity definitively enabled the country to get out of the USA guardianship and conduct the independent policy, which corresponded to its national interests. To define their relations, the American and Brazilian governments introduced the term of global partnership dialogue, which expresses the parties interests in cooperation but does not exclude divergence of views on some issues.
Since the moment Dilma Rousseff came to power, it is the relations between Brazil and the States that have undergone the most significant changes: the existing contradictions have begun to blur out gradually, there has been some progress in solving of several delicate issues; one might even say the rapprochement with the northern neighbor has taken place. In fact, the relations between the countries have become more constructive and meaningful. Pragmatism, as well as the desire to identify and take into account the specific interests of both parties have begun to dominate in the approaches to solving bilateral problems. The level of the partners interdependence cannot be compared in scale and number of priorities with any other Latin American state, with the exception of Mexico. They have managed to coordinate their positions and even joint actions on a set of political issues, foreign trade being included.
In general, the primary issues in relations between the largest economies of the Western Hemisphere are as follows:
strengthening of democracy pillars and protection of human rights in the region;
intensification of cooperation in the military field;
priority development of economic cooperation between the two states, especially in the areas such as trade and investment;
transition to strategic dialogue in the energy sector;
cooperation to resolve contemporary global issues such as climate change and environmental protection;
deepening of bilateral relations in the field of high technologies and innovations;
cooperation in science as well as increase in the number of students and teachers exchanges in the field of higher education.
The United States of America are above all interested in deepening the bilateral economic relations with Brazil, based on mutual interests and preferences of the parties. Today the republic takes ninth place among the States partners (1,8% of the total trade in goods), in its turn, the USA entrenched on the second position (the first one has been held by China for already several years).
The total trade between the USA and Brazil, despite the political cooling, reached 133 billion dollars in 2013, with a positive balance of 26 billion dollars for the States. The export of American goods amounted to over 43 billion dollars, and the Brazilian imports totaled 32 billion dollars. As for services, their total volume accounted for 29 billion dollars, herewith the exports of the United States reached 22 billion dollars, but Brazil received only 7 billion dollars.
Thus, analyzing the current state of bilateral links between these parties, we can conclude that the central area of their cooperation is energetics, including the mining related to its non-traditional sources: the share of these two countries accounts for over 70% of ethanol production in the world. It affects not only mutual relations in the areas of trade, finances and investments but also the sphere of exchange of scientific and technical ideas.
The United States and Brazil should also continue to expand their investment cooperation, increasing the capacities both in the public and private sectors. The growth of competitiveness contributes to economic welfare and prosperity of the parties. A large number of initiatives and forums intended to improve the existing mechanisms and produce more advanced recommendations on doing business in both countries, and meetings at the highest, high and regional levels are evidence of importance and interest of business structures in the strengthening of the American-Brazilian cooperation.
Thus, it is obvious that economic issues play a key role in the relations between the parties. The bilateral trade between the countries almost tripled in the last decade: within the period from 2002 to 2012 the circulation of goods between the partners increased by 161% and the services movement grew by 336%. Without a doubt, we can say that even private companies contribute to the development of relations between the United States and Brazil in order to create new investment and export opportunities for entrepreneurs and jobs for workers.
The parties claim to improve the cooperation, but at the same time, realize that they will face unavoidable competition for influence in the region and positions on the world markets. The Brazilian-American relations are historically viewed through the prism of financial controversies and inability to accept a constructive participation in the free trade negotiations. However, it is obvious that economic issues play a key role in this partnership. Common interests and similar problems of the national economies serve as a driving force in the development of mutually beneficial links; a number of unresolved trade disputes and misunderstandings just restrict the deepening of these relations.
The same thing applies to the bilateral cooperation in the science, technology and innovation fields. Some researchers and officials consider the upturn of developing countries as a threat, fearing that it will damage the science intensive economy sectors of the United States. But at the same time, the majority of politicians recognize that the development of this field is a mutually beneficial business that creates new possibilities for technological cooperation.
Today, the cooperation between the United States and Brazil in the field of science and technology is very intense and productive. It mainly focuses on multilateral issues in which both countries are world leaders, namely: sustainable development, climate change, food security and alternative energy. It is worth noting that cultural, educational, scientific and technical scopes of cooperation between them were put on a constructive path by Dilma Rousseff and Barack Obama. Therefore, the processes of globalization and contemporary global problems have brought the bilateral relations of the two states up to an absolutely new level.
The bilateral Brazilian-American relations in the field of science, technologies and innovations are very strong, confirming a significant number of initiatives and programs between the parties. But, nevertheless, the states mainly focus on the educational sector. The United States and Brazil have a long history of sharing experience in this area, one of the examples being the bi-national Fulbright Commission, which has helped thousands of scientists to travel between the two countries. The cooperation also continues to thrive through initiatives such as 100 thousand strong in America and Science without Borders, which allow to create opportunities for new scientific links. American educational centers help Brazil to consult students on studying in the USA and carry out activities that contribute to admission of South American entrants to US higher educational institutions. The United States also closely cooperate with Brazilian colleagues to expand opportunities for learning English and increase professional qualification of Brazils teachers. In our opinion, these exchanges strengthen institutional partnership, promote development of human resources trained for challenges of the XXI century and cause a long-term economic growth of both parties.
Thus, we can see that the relations between the United States and Brazil from 2011 to 2014 were quite unstable. On the one hand, they improved due to the accession to power of Dilma Rousseff, who is more prone to compromises compared to her predecessor. On the other hand, all the achievements of recent years were instantly wiped out by the information about the comprehensive surveillance, which was contained in the documents published by Edward Snowden. Despite the gradual re-establishment of bilateral links, it would be difficult to restore lost confidence and opportunities. However, the Brazilian-American relations continue to remain one of the key elements of the policy of shaping a new cooperation type in the Western Hemisphere, affecting the configuration of the power balance on the world stage.
It was ascertained that this problem has a really great relevance at the moment as we can trace the development of relations between the USA, as a recognized leader in the international relations system, and Brazil, as an actor of a regional level, claiming to gain membership in the structures of the world political and economic order under present conditions in the age of globalization.
In the present thesis for the masters degree the development and establishment of the problem under research, namely the American vector of Brazils foreign policy during the presidency of Dilma Rousseff, was ascertained in full. A number of propositions of the thesis may be of interest to research institutes and centers engaged in Latin American range of problems as well as it may be used for preparation of training manuals and lecture courses on international relations.
POLNISCHE DOKTRIN ÜBER DEN ÖSTLICHEN VEKTOR DER MODERNEN AUßENPOLITIK DER EUROPÄISCHEN UNION
Schlüsselwörter: die Europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik, die Östliche Partnerschaft, der östliche Vektor, die Integration, die strategische Partnerschaft, Polen.
Die Aktualität des Forschungsthemas wird durch Bedeutung der Analyse vom polnischen Ansatz zum Verständnis der polnischen Beziehungen mit Ländern, die außerhalb der Europäischen Union bleiben. Ein weiterer wichtiger Aspekt der Aktualität ist die Notwendigkeit, politische Initiative zu forschern, die auf die Erweiterung der Beziehungen zwischen der EU und den Nachbarländern in Osteuropa ausgerichtet ist, was die Östliche Partnerschaft ist.
Die polnische Republik steht nach dem Zusammenbruch des sozialistischen Lagers an der Spitze der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Transformation in Mittel- und Osteuropa und nimmt einen wichtigen Platz in dieser Region. Ein deutlicher Beweis dieses Sonderstatus war die Aufnahme von Polen in die erste Gruppe von Ländern im Ausbau der NATO und der EU in Osten und sein erfolgreicher Einstieg in die vollberechtigte Mitgliedschaft in diesen Strukturen.
Diese Funktion wird dadurch verstärkt, dass Polen eine führende Rolle in der östlichen Politik der EU spielt und sich dadurch von den anderen Ländern Mittel- und Osteuropas unterscheidet. Polen ist ein europäisches Land an der Grenze der Europäischen Union und der NATO, was eine besondere Art seiner Beziehungen mit den Ländern der ehemaligen Sowjetunion bedingt. Die Erfahrung der polnischen Republik kann als Beispiel für die Ukraine bei der Bildung der eigenen Regionalpolitik dienen und für die Realisierung der nationalen Interessen und der strategischen Ziele der Außenpolitik verwendet werden.
Das Objekt der Forschung ist die polnische Außenpolitik in Hinsicht auf Osteuropa und südlichen Kaukasus.
Der Gegenstand der Forschung ist die Doktrin über den östlichen Vektor der modernen Außenpolitik der EU.
Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist die Bedeutung des östlichen Vektors der EU-Außenpolitik auf Grund der Zusammenfassung und Auswertung von historischen Erfahrungen und neuen Tendenzen im Bereich der regionalen Integration in Europa und auf Grund der Studie von vaterländischen und ausländischen Forschungen und offiziellen Dokumente zu bestimmen.
Zur Erreichung des gestellten Ziels sind folgende Aufgaben zu lösen:
1) die Diskussionen und die wichtigsten Initiativen für die Beziehungen der Europäischen Union mit ihren östlichen Nachbarländern von ihrer Entstehung und bis 2008 auszuwerten;
2) den östlichen Vektor in der Außenpolitik der Europäischen Union, die Entwicklungsperspektiven der polnisch-schwedischen Initiative von Östlicher Partnerschaft zu analysieren;
3) den Prozess der Entstehung der modernen Konzeption der polnischen Ostpolitik zu forschern;
4) die Wirkung von Polen auf die Beziehung mit seinen östlichen Nachbarländern (die Ukraine, Belorussland, Moldowa), auf die Entwicklung der Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik und den östlichen Vektor zu bestimmen.
Die chronologischen Rahmen der Forschung umfassen den Zeitraum von 1989 bis November 2013. Die Untergrenze wird durch Wiederherstellung der Souveränität des polnischen Staates im Jahr 1989 bedingt und die obere zeitliche Grenze bestimmt der Samit der Östlichen Partnerschaft in Vilnius am 28-29 November 2013.
Die geographischen Genzen der Forschung erstrecken sich auf das Territorium der EU-Mitgliedstaaten und auf die Regionen, die die Europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik und die Initiative Östliche Partnerschaft umfassen: Osteuropa, Nordafrika, Naher Osten, Südkaukasus (Georgien, Armenien und Aserbaidshan), Russische Föderation, die Türkei.
Die wissenschaftliche Neuheit der Forschung bestimmt derzeitiger Grad ihrer Gegenwart. Aufgrund der Analyse einer Reihe von polnischen, ukrainischen und russischen Quellen, werden die Merkmale und Perspektiven der Aktivitätenentwicklung von Polen in Mittel- und Osteuropa betrachtet.
Die Forschung ermöglicht ein umfassendes Verständnis der Bildung der EU-Außenpolitik gegenüber Osteuropa. Es wurde die EU-Außenpolitik durch Prisma des östlichen Vektors, der Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik und der Östlichen Partnerschaft erforscht.
Die praktische Bedeutung besteht darin, dass der Inhalt, die wichtigen Grundlagen und die Schlußfolgerungen dieser Forschung für weitere Forschungen des östlichen Vektors der modernen Außenpolitik der Europäischen Union verwendet werden können.
Das erste Kapitel Stand des wissenschaftlichen Forschungsproblems, die Quellenbasis und Forschungsmethodik ist dem Stand der wissenschaftlichen Forschungsthemen, der Quellen und der Literatur über das Problem der Forschung, der Bestimmung von methodologischen Grundlagen gewidmet.
Im zweiten Teil Die Rolle von Polen bei der Bildung des östlichen Vektors in der EU-Außenpolitik werden die Konzeption der modernen polnischen Ostpolitik, die Umsetzung und Entwicklung der Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik, die Bestimmung des östlichen Vektors in der Außenpolitik der Europäischen Union analysiert.
Im dritten Kapitel Praktische Umsetzung der polnischen Außenpolitik in der EU stellen wir uns die Zusammenarbeit der polnischen Republik mit der Ukraine, Belorussland, Moldowa fest.
In den Schlußfolgerungen werden die wichtigsten Grundlagen und Resultate der Forschungsarbeit zusammengefasst.
Es wurde festgestellt, dass Polen seit 1989 als europäischer Rechtsanwalt für die östlichen Nachbarländer verhandelt. Diese Position folgte der Tatsache, dass nicht nur die politische Elite, sondern auch die polnische Gesellschaft in der Demokratisierung eine bessere Umsetzung von nationalen Interessen und den Nutzen für Europa gesehen haben. Das Ziel von Polen war die Verbesserung der Konzeption der Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik. Politische Zusammenarbeit und wirtschaftliche Integration in die Östliche Partnerschaft erleichtern die Anpassung zu EU-Standards und schaffen einen Rahmen für weitere wirkungsvolle Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, positive wirtschaftliche und soziale Zukunftsperspektive der Länder in Mittel- und Osteuropa.
LES ETATS-UNIS ET LE ROYAUME-UNI DES ACTIVITES DE MAINTIEN DE LA PAIX (LEXTREMITE DU XX DEBUT DU XXI SIECLE)
Mots-clés: maintien de la paix, les relations américano-britannique, le relations spéciales, les opérations de maintien de la paix, l'alliance, les relations bilatérales, le partenariat.
L'actualité de ce travail. Les changements dans la politique mondiale ont acquis dans un monde post-bipolaire au début du XXI siécle aprés la nouvelle dimension de la montée du terrorisme international par des groupes extrémistes. Dans les conditions modernes de l'interdépendance des problémes de maintien de la paix internationale ont un rôle particulier. Conflits allumés l'un des principaux facteurs de l'instabilité sur la Terre. Les conflits modernes sont dangereux non seulement pour les parties au conflit, mais aussi pour la communauté mondiale tout entiére.
Aprés la fin de la guerre froide et la formation du systéme moderne des relations internationales, les États-Unis et le Royaume-Uni sont responsables de l'état actuel de la sécurité internationale. Explorer la relation des principaux pays du monde est une tache scientifique important, en particulier vers les États-Unis et le Royaume-Uni - les pays qui jouent un rôle important dans les relations internationales et les dirigeants des démocraties occidentales modernes, garants de l'ordre mondial. Les États-Unis d'Amérique et la Grande-Bretagne ont d'être les partenaires étrangers durant une grande partie du XX siécle. Ils maintiennent encore des actions diplomatiques et militaires de l'autre et mener des opérations de maintien de la paix conjointes.
La recherche des activités de maintien de la paix anglo-américaine (la fin du XX siécle début du XXI siécle) contribue une meilleure compréhension et l'analyse des relations spéciales générées entre les pays. En raison du fait que, la fin de la guerre froide, ils confrontés la tache de former le systéme de sécurité internationale qui permettrait d'assurer la stabilité de l'ordre mondial et de relever efficacement les nouveaux défis et menaces. C'est la raison pour laquelle nous devons prêter attention la société des Etats-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne, qui s'efforcent de créer un plan de sécurité de développement politique, économique et culturel.
Il convient de noter que de nos jours une place particuliére dans la politique étrangére et de ses priorités de l'Ukraine détient l
