Witnesses may1 pick out from an identification parade2 the person who most resembles their idea of what the criminal would look like3,4, a conference5 organized6 by the British Psychological Society7 was told8,9 on Saturday. | , , , , - , , . | 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. |
Mr. Ray Bull, a senior lecturer1 at the North East London Polytechnic2, said research had shown that the public3 tended to link4 abnormal appearance with abnormalities of behavior. | , - 5, , , . | 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. |
'The public1 and police2 do3 agree about what face fits4 what crime,'5 he said6. | , - . | 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. |
'One apparently widely held belief1 is the "what is beautiful is2 good" stereotype3. | , , . | 1. 2. 3. |
An individual's facial1 attractiveness has an effect on how threatening2 other people judge that person to be3. | , . | 1. 2. 3. |
I have found that the addition1 of one or two small scars to a face leads to that face being judged2,3 more dishonest4.' | , 1 2 , . | 1. 2. 3. 4. |
'Those beliefs also influence length1 of sentence and verdict2', he said3. | - . | 1. 2. 3. |
Research in mock-trial1 settings2 had shown that the more unattractive3 defendant was more heavily5 sentenced4 than one6 of attractive character7 and appearance. | , , , , , 8 . | 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. |
Mr. Bull, an expert1 on identification2 by witnesses, was addressing3 psychologists4 and lawyers5 at a conference in London6 held7 by Sir Brian MacKenna8, a retired9 high court judge, on the role10 of psychology11 in the legal system12. | , , , , , . | 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. , 9. 10. 11. 12. |
For decades it had been known1 that people often do not see or hear things2 presented3 to their senses, but do4 'see' and 'hear' things5 that have not occurred6. | 7 , , , , 8 . | 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. |
But none of those factors1 meant that identification evidence2 was of little value3. | , . | 1. 2. 3. |
Laboratory1 research based2 on photographs3 had shown4 recognition rates5 were high, about 80 percent, even after delays6 of 35 days. | , , , , 80%, 35 . | 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. |
But rates were lower1 when2 identification3 was tested4,5 in mock criminal episodes6 in the streets because of stress7 and inability of the witness to concentrate8 simultaneously on self-preservation9 and remembering10 details11 of the culprit. | , . | 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. |
Law enforcement authorities should1 be more aware2 of the factors3 that influence memory4 and identification5, Mr. Bull said6. | , , . | 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. |
Apart from people's prejudices about the 'look' of a criminal, the factors1 included the way questions were asked2,3. | , 4 . | 1. 2. 3. 4. |
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